For the sake of the country, Calvin Coolidge knew when enough was enough.

Although some historians dismiss him now, the 30th U.S. president was popular during a period of unprecedented economic prosperity.

He'd taken the office in 1923 upon upon the death of Warren Harding. He won the White House in his own right by a substantial majority in 1924. And it appeared almost certain he'd be re-elected in 1928.

But he chose not to run.

"If I should serve as president again, I should serve almost 10 years, which is too long for a president of this country," he said.

Coolidge respected the office and avoided anything that might tarnish him or it. He rarely gave speeches or made public appearances.

He told friends who encouraged him to run for the Senate that that would be unseemly for a former president.

And he turned down several offers to endorse products — such as his trademark cigar — that would have made him quite wealthy.

While some historians believe Coolidge's laissez-faire attitude helped precipitate the stock market crash of 1929 and subsequent Depression, economist John Kenneth Galbraith called that charge "grossly unfair."

Certainly Coolidge had his admirers, including President Reagan, who considered Silent Cal one of the nation's greatest chief executives. Reagan emulated Coolidge's approach — which favored business, less government intervention and lower taxes — as well as his belief in the trickle-down effects of a good economy.

Vaulting From Vermont

Coolidge (1872-1933) was born in Plymouth Notch, Vt., of fine (but not wealthy) New England stock. After graduating from Amherst, he apprenticed himself to two lawyers — a common practice at the time in lieu of attending law school — in Northampton, Mass., and passed the state bar in 1897.

He soon set his sights on politics, winning his first elective office — on the Northampton city council — a year later. He rose steadily, holding each office just a couple of years and losing only one election — to the school board — his entire career.

Some thought him lucky.

But as David Greenberg wrote in his newly published biography, "Calvin Coolidge," "Luck is the residue of design, and Coolidge 'meant to be ready to take advantage of opportunities,' as he put it."

As president, Coolidge was a moderate able to bridge the gap between progressives in the shadow of the late Teddy Roosevelt and conservatives following Henry Cabot Lodge. At a time when the country was growing increasingly secular, Coolidge stressed religious values — though not religion.

Though he often quoted the Bible in his speeches, "he never deployed Christian teachings as a political weapon," Greenberg wrote.

Coolidge was plain-spoken and never denounced his opponents, "preferring to stress the principles, however banal, underlying his own positions," Greenberg wrote.

While Coolidge tended to moderation, he was able to make difficult choices when he had to. Although as governor of Massachusetts he was considered pro-labor, in 1919 he backed the firing of Boston policemen who'd gone on strike.

"There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time," he said.

Similarly, as president he turned down veterans' bonuses, which he felt would upset the budget. The common good, he argued, overrode minority interests.

Coolidge was known as recalcitrant. In an anecdote often told by his wife to prove that Silent Cal had a sense of humor, he sat next to a woman who told him she'd bet she could get him to say more than two words. His reply: "You lose."

Coolidge believed you spoke only when you had something to say. "I don't know of a candidate who hurt himself by speaking less," he said.

When he did speak in public, "he labored over his speeches, chose his words carefully and kept his comments simple," Greenberg wrote.

"Above all, be brief," Coolidge said in a speech to the Massachusetts state Senate.

And yet he was media-savvy. With the help of a friend, Bruce Barton, who went on to become the second B in the advertising agency BBD&O, and Edward Bernays, an early PR tactician, Coolidge was aware of the power of the press.

"More than most of his peers, Coolidge understood the press corps' growing importance, and his dedication to and skill at courting them — rated by some as equal to that of Theodore Roosevelt — (remain overlooked keys) to his success as president," Greenberg wrote.

Coolidge posed for photos and newsreels at his Vermont farm to reinforce his image as a man of the people. He reinstituted twice-weekly meetings with the press corps (abandoned by President Wilson) and used them "as an engine for bringing himself almost daily into the American home," said a reporter at the time.

Reporters noted that Coolidge answered every question in detail without what today would be called spin.

The president was quick to grasp the significance of radio as a way to reach the people directly. In one speech, Greenberg postulates, he could reach more people than Teddy Roosevelt did in all his talks.

Radio was perfect for Coolidge because somehow it softened the sharp edge to his voice. And because he was shy by nature and not a great public speaker, the radio was his best megaphone.

"I can't make an engaging, rousing or oratorical speech to a crowd . . . but I have a good radio voice and now I can get my message across . . . without acquainting (the public) with my lack of oratorical ability," he said.

Coolidge did more than use the medium. He used it correctly. Understanding that the radio provided him with a large, diverse audience, he made it a point to broadcast only speeches that were nonpartisan, eliminating the possibility that he might alienate anyone.

On the job, Coolidge's style was hands-off. He delegated authority to trusted subordinates. Wrote Greenberg: "His first 'rule of action (was) never do . . . anything that someone else can do for you.' "

Cool Cal

Coolidge refused to let personality enter into his thinking when making appointments or handing out assignments. He often had problems with his commerce secretary, Herbert Hoover, but still kept him on and gave him crucial jobs. He even asked Hoover to lead relief efforts when the Mississippi overflowed its banks in 1927.

In the end, Coolidge helped the nation overcome the Harding administration scandals — especially Teapot Dome — with which he was burdened after he took office. He lowered taxes, letting business prosper.

Silent Cal's trademark came in loud and clear: "The chief business of America is business."
BY CURT SCHLEIER